What it is
"Self-awareness" is a loose phrase, and researchers have spent decades splitting it into parts that behave differently. Four of them matter for this page.
Self-reflection is the deliberate, curious examination of one's own thoughts and feelings. Insight is the clarity that sometimes follows. Rumination is repetitive dwelling on the self that is passive and often critical. Private self-consciousness is a trait, a general habit of attending to one's inner states, and it says nothing about whether the attention is accurate. The first questionnaires on this topic separated private from public self-consciousness in 1975 [19] [18]. In 1999, Trapnell and Campbell argued, in a paper we read in abstract only, that the private scale mixes two unrelated tendencies, rumination and reflection [20]. The Self-Reflection and Insight Scale, built in 2002, resolves into two factors. The insight factor correlates negatively with depression, anxiety, stress and alexithymia (difficulty putting one's own feelings into words) and positively with cognitive flexibility and self-regulation. In student samples the two factors were unrelated (r = -0.03) or negatively related (r = -0.31), and self-reflection tracked anxiety (r = 0.32) rather than insight, so the authors suggested that the reflection factor may partly capture a ruminative, self-focused style [18].
The split matters because attention to the self is not automatically good for a person. In 111 undergraduates, mostly men, followed for three weeks, self-reflection went with lower depression and self-rumination with higher depression, and the total effect of reflection on depression was close to zero, because people who reflect also tend to ruminate [21]. In 121 college students, insight was the only one of six self-focus measures that predicted all six dimensions of psychological well-being and satisfaction with life, while rumination predicted lower well-being on three and reflection predicted higher well-being on one [22]. Both studies are small, student, self-report samples, and neither can show cause.
Two more ideas enter the psychedelic literature. Ego dissolution is a temporary loosening of the usual sense of being a bounded self. Interoception is the sensing of signals from inside the body, which meditation researchers measure with questionnaires.
Self-exploration was the reason named most often in the largest survey of people planning a psychedelic experience, and a claim about self-awareness is easy to make and hard to check. An honest page has to say which part was measured, by whom, and how long afterward.
What is known
The short version. In the sources we read, no blinded, placebo-controlled trial in healthy adults has given a validated insight or self-reflection scale before and after a psychedelic. Large surveys link remembered insight to meditation practice and to reported well-being, but they cannot show that one caused the other. Controlled trials in motivated healthy volunteers found changes on broader self-report measures that were still present at four to six months, though none aimed at self-awareness as the outcome. Ratings from other people backed them only in part: in one trial the overall observer rating differed from the comparison group only in the arm that also received extensive support, and in the other the pattern held on two scales.
The most common reason, and who gave it
The largest prospective survey of naturalistic psilocybin use its authors know of began with 2,833 adults at baseline. Of these, 1,802 answered a set of questions just before their planned experience, 1,182 replied at 2 to 4 weeks afterward, and 657 were still replying at 2 to 3 months [1]. Among the 1,802, people could name several reasons. Self-exploration came first at 81.1 percent, followed by mental health at 71.3 percent and therapy at 47.9 percent [1].
The sample was mostly college-educated White men in the United States, around 40 years old, and about 85 to 87 percent had used psychedelics before. At baseline, 31.9 percent of the 2,833 reported a current anxiety disorder and 28.6 percent a current mood disorder [1]. The finding tells us what these people said they wanted, not what healthy adults seek or find. The survey used no self-awareness scale, though it did ask people to rate the experience. At 2 to 4 weeks, 370 of 1,182 respondents (31.3 percent) called it one of the ten most psychologically insightful experiences of their lives, and at 2 to 3 months 233 of 657 (35.5 percent) did [1]. The pool shrank from 2,833 to 657, so the later figures describe whoever kept answering. The authors also report that 11 percent at 2 to 4 weeks and 7 percent at 2 to 3 months described persisting negative effects. Of those still answering, 26 percent at 2 to 4 weeks and 50 percent at 2 to 3 months had used psilocybin again, so the later results are not about one experience alone [1].
How insight and ego dissolution are measured
Three questionnaires carry most of the work, and each has limits worth knowing.
The Ego-Dissolution Inventory has eight items. Its 2016 validation drew on 691 people who rated 1,828 remembered experiences, most involving psychedelics and the rest cocaine or alcohol. Scores tracked the unity items of a mystical-experience scale (rho = 0.735) and rose with reported dose for psychedelics but not for cocaine or alcohol [6]. The sample was mostly men under 30 with university education, more than half had used classic psychedelics over ten times, and all of it was recalled, so people who know how ego dissolution is supposed to feel may rate it accordingly [6].
The Psychological Insight Questionnaire was built from 1,661 users of psilocybin or LSD (a semi-synthetic compound) who completed an internet survey, 72 percent of them men and 83 percent White, with an average age of 23. People were included only if they reported that an experience had given them psychological insight, which may inflate the link between insight and well-being. It has 23 items in two subscales, about avoidance and unhelpful patterns and about goals and helpful patterns. Scores correlated with remembered increases in psychological flexibility and in well-being or life satisfaction that respondents attributed to a memorable experience [4]. Both were self-reported, remembered and gathered at one sitting, so its "prediction" is a correlation between two recollections.
The Psychological Insight Scale was tested in a prospective sample of 886 people attending psychedelic retreats and ceremonies, plus 279 people in a second survey. One underlying component explained 73.57 percent of the variance, so the items largely measure a single thing, and insight rated the day after acted as a statistical go-between (a mediator) in the link between emotional breakthrough, an intense emotional release during the session, and well-being two weeks later, though it did not mediate the effect of a mystical-type experience in the first sample. Over 99 percent of respondents gave a nonzero score, which leaves little room to tell people apart, and the scale cannot say whether an insight is positive or negative. Its link to well-being was stronger among people whose well-being was low at the start, which bears on whether it would work for healthy adults [5]. Of the 886, 280 reported a lifetime psychiatric diagnosis, and so did 91 of the 279. The authors state that the insight they measure is subjective and has no outside check, and they raise the possibility that lingering delusions could be mistaken for insights [5]. They wrote a new scale because the older Self-Reflection and Insight Scale asks about habits in general and cannot register a change tied to one time-limited experience, and in their data the new scale correlated only weakly with the older insight factor (rs = 0.18) [5]. We found no instrument validated for that purpose in healthy adults with a control group.
Surveys linking insight to meditation
Two studies from one research group asked how psychedelic experiences relate to meditation. The first surveyed 953 US adults and followed up 536 who had meditated. Among those meditators, greater ego dissolution during the most intense experience, rated on a single item, went with more frequent practice and with finding meditation more effective. Neither lifetime use nor ego dissolution was linked to more adverse effects of meditation or to decentering, the skill of stepping back from one's thoughts, which is close to self-awareness. The authors point out that 23 percent of their sample reported lifetime classic psychedelic use against about 14 percent in national estimates, and that the meditators had limited experience [3].
The second study surveyed 2,822 US adults through an online panel. Only the 613 lifetime users answered the insight and ego dissolution questions. Lifetime use went with more frequent mindfulness practice but not with loving-kindness practice. Insight and ego dissolution were each associated with more practice, and when both entered one model only insight remained (standardized coefficient 0.30, against -0.05 for ego dissolution) [2]. The authors list the limits themselves. The design is cross-sectional, so people who already meditate may simply report more insight, or some third trait such as absorption may drive both. The insight questions asked about the most insightful experience of a person's life and the ego dissolution questions about the most intense, which may be different occasions. Recall can be wrong, and set and setting were not recorded [2].
A natural reading is that a psychedelic experience leads people into contemplative practice. One randomized trial recorded practice rates. The two groups with standard support, one given a high dose and one a very low dose, practiced at similar rates, while a third group given far more support practiced about twice as often [7]. That trial was not built to test the idea, but it points to support as a major influence on how much people practice.
Controlled trials in healthy adults
The closest design to the missing study is a three-group trial of 75 healthy adults, most of them new to psychedelics (20 to 32 percent per group reported any past use), double-blind, with a very low dose as the comparison. Groups of 25 received a very low dose with standard support, a high dose with standard support, or a high dose with high support for meditation, awareness practice and reflective journaling. Eighty-five people enrolled and 75 completed. They averaged 42 years old, 89 percent held a degree, and they had joined out of interest in meditation and spiritual life [7]. At six months, the high-dose standard-support group differed from the very low dose group on 14 of 23 measures. The authors' text gives this count in an ambiguously worded sentence, and the 23 measures were included because they showed some group difference, with no correction for multiple comparisons stated. Gratitude, life meaning and purpose, and interpersonal closeness were not among the 14. They separated from the comparison group only in the high-support arm, as did the overall rating by three community observers per participant, nominated by the participant and interviewed by telephone [7]. Self-awareness was not an outcome. The very low dose is not a true placebo, and with no low-dose, high-support arm the trial cannot separate support from the substance or say what any single element of the package, journaling included, did [7].
A Zurich trial gave psilocybin or an inert placebo to 39 expert Buddhist meditators during a five-day retreat. Of 202 applicants recruited through meditation communities, 40 qualified. At four months, the psilocybin group reported more positive change on a self-report questionnaire of perceived life changes. Ratings from 37 significant others showed a similar but weaker pattern, significant on two scales, self-acceptance and search for meaning and purpose. Mindfulness in the moment did not rise because of the drug, and 3 of the 19 people given the placebo also had a strong mystical-type experience [8]. An imaging paper from the same trial (38 participants, known to us only from its abstract) linked ego dissolution during the session to reduced coupling between two midline brain regions, and found that ego dissolution together with the connectivity change predicted psychosocial change four months later [9]. The authors note that participants may have been able to tell which arm they were in, because the placebo was inert, and a retreat of experienced meditators is a strong setting by itself [8].
A third line of evidence concerns personality. Combining two double-blind studies in a post hoc analysis, 52 healthy adults who had never used a hallucinogen showed a rise in Openness, the trait covering imagination, feeling and curiosity about ideas, after a high-dose session (+2.8 points, p = 0.023). Participants who had a complete mystical-type experience (30 of 52) rose by 5.7 points and the others did not change. About 16 months later the 30 were still 4.2 points above baseline, a borderline result (p = 0.050). A subgroup of 30 who received an inactive placebo, an active control drug or a low dose first showed no change after that first session. These volunteers were 54 percent postgraduate and 90 percent spiritually active, and Openness, a self-report inventory score, started above the population average, which leaves less room to rise [10]. The result has not been reproduced cleanly. Openness did not change in the naturalistic survey (4.11 before and after, p = 0.84) [1], and in the three-group trial it rose only in the high-support arm, with no difference between groups [7]. Openness is not self-awareness, and whether it supports it has not been tested.
Reported insight and measured change
A report of insight is a statement about a feeling of understanding, not a record of what the person later did, and nearly all the evidence above rests on the first. Remembered insight correlated with remembered gains [4], respondents rated their own experience as insightful [1], and the meditation surveys relied on people's own count of days practiced [2] [3].
Two controlled trials added a second pair of eyes, in the form of people the participants had nominated and who rated them by interview. That is better than self-report alone, though in the six-month trial the overall observer rating separated from the comparison group only in the high-support arm [7], and in the retreat trial only two scales did [8]. Even that is an impression given on a questionnaire. No study we read recorded behavior directly, such as whether decisions, habits or relationships changed in ways someone could count.
Whether a sense of insight is accurate is a separate matter again. Peill and colleagues say outright that they cannot check it [5], and the authors of the REBUS model, described below, say it is not known whether insights gained under psychedelics are accurate [14]. A classic 1999 study found that people in the bottom quarter on tests of humor, grammar and logic placed themselves at about the 62nd percentile when their scores sat at the 12th, and that training them in the skill helped them see their limits [23]. The authors limited that finding to areas where knowledge is the skill and wrote that people are not always unaware of their incompetence. The task was judging one's skill on a test, which says little about insight into one's own feelings. The interpretation is contested, and the title of a 2020 paper in the journal Intelligence says the effect is mostly a statistical artifact [24], though we have not read beyond that title. The sensible reading is caution about self-ratings, not proof that they fail.
The brain
Early imaging studies gave rise to the idea that psychedelics quiet the default mode network, a set of regions often active when attention turns inward. In two groups of 15 healthy volunteers, all with earlier hallucinogen experience, intravenous psilocybin reduced blood flow and activity, with no increase anywhere, and weakened coupling between the medial prefrontal and posterior cingulate cortex. In the blood-flow group the placebo scan always came first, and the method tracks blood vessels rather than neural firing [11]. In a single-blind LSD study, 20 healthy volunteers were enrolled and 15 were usable for these analyses. A single rating of ego dissolution correlated with reduced connectivity between the parahippocampus and the retrosplenial cortex (r = 0.73) and with disintegration of the default mode network (r = 0.49, p = 0.03, no correction for multiple comparisons stated). Reduced separation between networks was unrelated to ego dissolution (r = 0.12), and no other network tested was related [12].
A 2026 mega-analysis (a joint analysis of pooled participant-level data) of 11 datasets in healthy volunteers across five drugs gives a fuller picture of the acute state. Its most consistent signature was increased connectivity between higher-order networks (default, frontoparietal and limbic) and the sensory and motor networks, while reductions inside networks were weak to moderate, selective and variable across drugs [13]. A theoretical model called REBUS (relaxed beliefs under psychedelics) proposes that psychedelics loosen high-level beliefs, including beliefs about the self, and make them easier to revise [14]. It is a hypothesis, and the imaging studies describe the session. Only the retreat imaging paper [9], known to us from its abstract alone, reports a self-related measure afterward.
Difficult experiences and the rumination question
If reflection can slide into rumination, difficult experiences are where to look. No study we read measured rumination before and after psychedelic exposure in healthy adults. The nearest data are indirect.
A mixed-methods survey recruited 608 people who reported extended difficulties after psychedelic use. The most common difficulties were anxiety and fear, existential struggle, social disconnection, and depersonalization and derealization (feeling detached from oneself or from the world). About a third said their difficulties lasted over a year and about a sixth over three years. Intrusive, ruminative or fixated thoughts were coded in 7 percent of responses (40 people), and excessive self-consciousness in 2 percent (9 people). Because everyone in that sample had difficulties by design, and 28.5 percent had a prior psychiatric diagnosis, it cannot say how often they occur. In the regression only the intensity of the challenge during the experience significantly predicted how long difficulties lasted, with a small effect. Knowing the dose and an unguided setting pointed the expected way without reaching significance [16].
The Challenging Experience Questionnaire, built from internet surveys that enrolled only people who had a difficult psilocybin experience, gives a way to measure the hard side. Its seven factors are grief, fear, death, insanity, isolation, physical distress and paranoia, though the paranoia factor has only two items [17]. Pairing it with an insight scale in one study is how the rumination question could be put to work, and we found no study that did so.
What is not known
Most of the questions that matter most are open.
No study we read tests whether a psychedelic experience changes a validated insight or self-reflection measure in healthy adults compared with a placebo, with enough follow-up to tell a passing state from a lasting trait. The nearest trial measured other things in volunteers who wanted to meditate [7]. The newer insight scales were validated on mixed samples that included many people with psychiatric diagnoses [5].
Insight has been measured only by asking the person. We do not know how often a felt insight is correct or leads to a changed decision, and the one study that raises the possibility of mistaking delusion for insight could not examine it [5].
The rumination risk is real in theory and unmeasured in practice. Nothing we found separates reflection from rumination after a psychedelic experience in a sample not selected for difficulty. The two sources that report persisting problems, a large survey and a self-selected one, cannot give a rate that applies to healthy adults [1] [16].
The long term is almost blank. The controlled trials followed people for four to sixteen months, and the effects at the far end were weaker [8] [10]. Whether anything lasts for years is unknown.
Selection runs through everything: people who choose to take part in retreats, surveys and laboratory studies are often curious about themselves already, and several of the studies recruited meditators [1] [6] [7] [8].
Direction of cause is open: the surveys cannot say whether insight leads to practice or practice to insight [2] [3].
Finally, the measures disagree about what they are measuring. Ego dissolution, insight, openness and mindfulness are separate constructs that people tend to blend. A 2018 narrative review warns against equating a temporary loss of self with a lasting change in character, adds that the Ego-Dissolution Inventory cannot tell loss of the narrative self from loss of the bodily self, and found no evidence that drug-induced ego dissolution has lasting effects on self-focused thinking [15].
What Metanoia seeks to learn. Metanoia's long-term plan begins with a validated measure of flourishing and a naturalistic observational cohort studied under shared reporting standards, with records kept under full legal authorization and without Metanoia supplying any substance. For this dimension, those data could help answer several questions that the current literature leaves open:
- In healthy adults, does a validated insight measure change after a psychedelic experience, and does the change last beyond a year?
- Do the person's ratings agree with ratings from people who know them well, and with something countable, such as whether a reflective practice was taken up and kept?
- How often does a reported insight prove right, and how often does it fade or mislead?
- Does self-focus after an experience look like reflection or like rumination when the two are measured separately?
- Do people who start as meditators, and people who do not, change in the same way?
- How much of any change remains once expectation and the awareness of having had a strong experience are measured and adjusted for?
Metanoia has no preferred answer to any of these. A null result would be as useful to publish as a positive one.
Compared with other paths
Self-awareness has several drug-free routes, and their evidence differs in kind. The numbers below measure different things and are not a ranking.
Meditation training. The best controlled evidence concerns awareness of the body. A pre-registered meta-analysis of 29 randomized trials with 2,191 participants found a small-to-medium improvement in self-reported interoception after mindfulness training (g = 0.31, 95 percent confidence interval 0.21 to 0.42). The authors found no sign of publication bias, and 18 of the 29 trials had active control groups. The two subscales closest to worry and rumination, not distracting and not worrying, were the smallest (g = 0.12 and 0.15) and not statistically significant [25]. The limits are real. Most trials used one self-report questionnaire, so the outcome is itself a self-rating. Participants included people with physical and psychiatric conditions (clinical status did not change the effect), only 16 trials were preregistered, and interoception was the primary outcome in only 3 [25]. The paper says nothing about reflective insight.
Psychotherapy. A meta-analysis of 23 effect sizes found a moderate correlation (r = 0.31) between patients' insight into their recurring patterns and treatment outcome, [26]. In a depression trial subsample (100 of 237 people randomized), gains in observer-rated insight over the first two months predicted lower depression later in dynamic therapy but not in cognitive therapy. The effect was significant only in the model with an interaction term (p = 0.091 in the basic model), and the difference between the two therapies was not statistically significant. The paper's own literature review reported mixed results in eight studies, with correlations from 0.01 to 0.59 [27]. These are patients, and the findings concern insight as a mechanism in treating illness, so they say little about healthy adults.
Reflective writing. A meta-analysis of 146 randomized studies of writing about personal and meaningful topics, mostly upsetting ones, found a small average benefit (r = 0.075 unweighted, 0.063 weighted by sample size) across health and psychological outcomes. Effects were larger in patients and people with a history of stress or trauma than in students [28]. Insight was not the outcome, so this is no evidence about self-awareness, and we found no trial of writing in healthy adults that used an insight scale. In the validation of the Self-Reflection and Insight Scale, self-selected students who kept a regular journal scored higher on self-reflection and lower on insight [18]. Reflective journaling was also part of the practice package in the three-group psilocybin trial, so its separate contribution is unknown [7].
Where the psychedelic evidence stands. On present evidence, psychedelics have not been compared with any of these on a self-awareness outcome, and nothing shows them to be better or worse. What exists is a high rate of reported insight in surveys, which also link it to reported meditation practice and well-being, and self-reported changes on broader measures that persisted in controlled trials of motivated healthy volunteers. Meditation and psychotherapy have better-measured and better-controlled evidence on narrower outcomes. This page does not claim that any path is best.
Sources
Grade key: 1 = peer-reviewed source, meaning an original study, pooled analysis, systematic review or meta-analysis. 2 = secondary source that is not peer-reviewed, such as a textbook, agency report or non-peer-reviewed narrative review. 3 = grey or community source. 4 = traditional source. Grade describes the type of source and carries no judgment of quality. The design of each study is noted separately. Reading markers: "Full text" means the body of the paper was read in full by Metanoia on 2 October 2026, and anything not read (figures, supplements, appendices) is named in the entry. "Read in part" means only some sections were read, and the entry names them. "Abstract only. Full text not accessible." means the full text could not be obtained and no more than the abstract was read. "Record only. Full text not accessible." means only the bibliographic record was seen.
- Nayak SM et al. Front Psychiatry 2023, 14:1199642. DOI 10.3389/fpsyt.2023.1199642 PMID 37795509. Grade 1. Prospective naturalistic survey, no control group, 2,833 at baseline and 657 at final follow-up. Full text (four tables read, figures not read).
- Simonsson C et al. Mindfulness 2023, 14(4):763-768. DOI 10.1007/s12671-023-02103-w PMID 37693239. Grade 1. Retrospective cross-sectional survey, 2,822 US adults. Full text (Table 1 included).
- Simonsson O, Goldberg SB. J Psychoactive Drugs 2023, 55(1):11-18 (online January 2022). DOI 10.1080/02791072.2021.2022816 PMID 35000559. Grade 1. Cross-sectional survey, 953 adults, 536 at follow-up. Full text (Table 1 included, appendices not read). Detail moved from the text: the follow-up of 536 meditators was a 92.1 percent response.
- Davis AK et al. J Psychopharmacol 2021, 35(4):437-446. DOI 10.1177/0269881120967878 PMID 33427007. Grade 1. Scale development, internet survey, n = 1,661. Full text (two tables read, supplement not read).
- Peill JM et al. J Psychopharmacol 2022, 36(1):31-45. DOI 10.1177/02698811211066709 PMID 34983255. Grade 1. Scale validation, prospective observational samples, n = 886 and 279. Full text (all tables read, supplement not read). Detail moved from the text: the link of the insight scale to well-being was stronger among people whose well-being was low at the start (rs about 0.51 against 0.34 in the whole sample).
- Nour MM et al. Front Hum Neurosci 2016, 10:269. DOI 10.3389/fnhum.2016.00269 PMID 27378878. Grade 1. Scale validation, retrospective internet survey, 691 people. Full text (tables included).
- Griffiths RR et al. J Psychopharmacol 2018, 32(1):49-69. DOI 10.1177/0269881117731279 PMID 29020861. Grade 1. Randomized double-blind three-group trial, n = 75 healthy adults. Full text (all seven tables read, supplementary tables not read).
- Smigielski L et al. Sci Rep 2019, 9:14914. DOI 10.1038/s41598-019-50612-3 PMID 31649304. Grade 1. Randomized double-blind placebo-controlled trial, n = 39 expert meditators. Full text (the retrieved version had no tables or supplement, and no figure from them is used). Detail moved from the text: the psilocybin group differed from the placebo group in life appreciation, self-acceptance, search for meaning and attitude toward death.
- Smigielski L et al. NeuroImage 2019, 196:207-215. DOI 10.1016/j.neuroimage.2019.04.009 PMID 30965131. Grade 1. Imaging analysis from the same trial, n = 38. Abstract only. Full text not accessible.
- MacLean KA, Johnson MW, Griffiths RR. J Psychopharmacol 2011, 25(11):1453-1461. DOI 10.1177/0269881111420188 PMID 21956378. Grade 1. Two combined double-blind studies, n = 52, pre-post design with a partial control. Full text (Table 1 included, figures not read).
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- Carhart-Harris RL et al. Proc Natl Acad Sci USA 2016, 113(17):4853-4858. DOI 10.1073/pnas.1518377113 PMID 27071089. Grade 1. Single-blind imaging study, 20 healthy volunteers enrolled, 15 analyzed. Full text (read from the PMC web page, supplement not read).
- Girn M et al. Nat Med 2026, 32(4):1543-1554. DOI 10.1038/s41591-026-04287-9 PMID 41942645. Grade 1. Mega-analysis of 11 resting-state fMRI datasets in healthy volunteers. Full text (Table 1 and methods included, figures, equations and supplement not read). Detail moved from the text: the 11 datasets came from groups on three continents.
- Carhart-Harris RL, Friston KJ. Pharmacol Rev 2019, 71(3):316-344. DOI 10.1124/pr.118.017160 PMID 31221820. Grade 1. Theoretical model. Full text (figures and supplement not read).
- Millière R et al. Front Psychol 2018, 9:1475. DOI 10.3389/fpsyg.2018.01475 PMID 30245648. Grade 1. Narrative review. Full text (four tables included, figure caption only).
- Evans J et al. PLoS One 2023, 18(10):e0293349. DOI 10.1371/journal.pone.0293349 PMID 37874826. Grade 1. Self-selected mixed-methods survey, n = 608. Full text (four tables included). Detail moved from the text: a wider range of difficulties went with a harder experience and an unguided setting.
- Barrett FS et al. J Psychopharmacol 2016, 30(12):1279-1295. DOI 10.1177/0269881116678781 PMID 27856683. Grade 1. Scale development from two internet surveys of people who had a difficult psilocybin experience. Full text (appendix and Tables 1 to 7 read, end of Table 8 not checked).
- Grant AM, Franklin J, Langford P. Soc Behav Pers 2002, 30(8):821-835. DOI 10.2224/sbp.2002.30.8.821 Grade 1. Scale validation in three student samples (n = 260, 28 and 121). Full text (all pages, tables included, from the journal site).
- Fenigstein A, Scheier MF, Buss AH. J Consult Clin Psychol 1975, 43(4):522-527. DOI 10.1037/h0076760 Grade 1. Scale development. Record only. Full text not accessible.
- Trapnell PD, Campbell JD. J Pers Soc Psychol 1999, 76(2):284-304. DOI 10.1037/0022-3514.76.2.284 PMID 10074710. Grade 1. Scale development and theory. Abstract only. Full text not accessible.
- Takano K, Tanno Y. Behav Res Ther 2009, 47(3):260-264. DOI 10.1016/j.brat.2008.12.008 PMID 19181307. Grade 1. Two-wave questionnaire study, 111 undergraduates. Abstract only. Full text not accessible.
- Harrington R, Loffredo DA. J Psychol 2011, 145(1):39-57. DOI 10.1080/00223980.2010.528072 PMID 21290929. Grade 1. Cross-sectional questionnaire study, 121 college students. Full text (open access on the publisher site, the two correlation tables were not opened). Detail moved from the text: insight on that scale was unrelated to private self-consciousness itself (r = 0).
- Kruger J, Dunning D. J Pers Soc Psychol 1999, 77(6):1121-1134. DOI 10.1037/0022-3514.77.6.1121 PMID 10626367. Grade 1. Four experimental studies, not about psychedelics. Full text (author-posted PDF). Detail moved from the text: training the bottom-quartile participants in the skill helped them see their limits, and the authors tested regression to the mean as a rival explanation.
- Gignac GE, Zajenkowski M. Intelligence 2020, 80. DOI 10.1016/j.intell.2020.101449 Grade 1. Methodological argument. Record only. Full text not accessible. Title cited.
- Treves IN et al. Sci Rep 2025, 15:38889. DOI 10.1038/s41598-025-22661-4 PMID 41198766. Grade 1. Pre-registered meta-analysis, 29 randomized trials, 2,191 participants. Full text (Tables 1 and 2 included, figures and supplement not read). A correction concerning an author's name was published on 23 December 2025. Detail moved from the text: participants were 77.8 percent women with an average age of 32.8.
- Jennissen S et al. Am J Psychiatry 2018, 175(10):961-969. DOI 10.1176/appi.ajp.2018.17080847 PMID 30068262. Grade 1. Systematic review and meta-analysis, 23 effect sizes, patient samples. Abstract only. Full text not accessible.
- Jennissen S et al. J Couns Psychol 2021, 68(4):435-445. DOI 10.1037/cou0000554 PMID 33970657. Grade 1. Secondary analysis of a randomized trial, 100 of 237 patients with major depression. Full text (accepted manuscript, Tables 1 to 4 included). Detail moved from the text: insight was rated by outside observers from session recordings and concerned relationship patterns.
- Frattaroli J. Psychol Bull 2006, 132(6):823-865. DOI 10.1037/0033-2909.132.6.823 PMID 17073523. Grade 1. Meta-analysis, 146 randomized studies. Read in part: the abstract, the general results and the discussion. The methods, the coding tables and the moderator detail were not read.
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